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How do you view the “exclusive” caretaker government of the Taliban?Taliban

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By excluding women, the Hazara minority, and political opposition from the new government, the Taliban showed that it did not understand the complexities of governance.

The Taliban further widened the gap between its words and actions, and announced the establishment of a “caretaker” government exclusively for the Taliban on September 7. No women of any ethnicity or political affiliation were given positions in the new government. The organization is also ethnically centered, with Pashtuns making up more than 90% of the cabinet. The announced setup renders the Hazara minority—the third largest ethnic group in Afghanistan—no role in the government. This setting will seriously hinder the prospect of the Taliban gaining international recognition, and the movement seems indifferent to this result.

The anxiety of Afghan citizens about the future has led to protests across Kabul. When asked about thorny issues such as the national flag, extrajudicial executions, and women’s rights, the Taliban evaded it under the pretext of not having a formal government. Although a wise strategy aims to buy more time for the movement to cooperate with the international community, it further weakens the distrust of the urban population in its ability to solve the urgent problems facing the country. However, with the announcement of the caretaker government, the Taliban did not even have any excuses to hide behind.

Although the Taliban label the current government as a “caretaker” to avoid international scrutiny due to its lack of inclusiveness, it is highly unlikely that the Taliban leaders who have obtained these positions will cede it to anyone else. Near future.

The Taliban might argue that the special circumstances of Afghanistan require such a transitional setting, and once everything settles down, a more permanent and perhaps inclusive government can be declared. However, there is little reason to believe that different indicators will be used when deciding who will get the most important position in a more permanent setting.

The Taliban’s apparent ignorance of the international community’s demands to include national and political opponents and women in the Afghan government is shocking for several reasons.

The Taliban’s refusal to include members of the Hazara ethnic minority, mainly Shi’ites, into their government may strain relations with Iran. The Hazara community had been persecuted by the Taliban during the previous rule, and its inclusion in the new government was originally an opportunity for the movement to make up for it. In addition, this will help prove that it has indeed changed and is now more tolerant of Shia.

After the Taliban took over Kabul, opponents of its ideology fled the country fearing for their safety. However, the Taliban even chose to exclude the remaining parties that are more or less ideologically aligned with it from its caretaker government. This is in contradiction with its earlier statement about not wanting to monopolize power, causing the international community to be more suspicious of its intentions. It also shows that the efforts of former Presidents Hamid Karzai and Dr. Abdullah Abdullah to put legitimacy on the Taliban by triggering a democratic transition were futile.

The Taliban also seemed to have missed an opportunity and refused to introduce a female member to their new cabinet. If the Taliban announce that a woman or even a Taliban member will be the head of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, it will win great support from the Afghan public and the international community. It also helps curb the women’s rights demonstrations that are gaining momentum in the country.

Despite the Taliban’s exaggeration, it never seemed to intend to bring anyone outside of its movement into its management. Nonetheless, it took two weeks to reach a consensus on who will enter the government-which is also a bad omen. This confirms the initial rumors of conflicts within the movement about who will occupy key positions. Such conflicts may reappear in the form of competition for power and relevance in the future and hinder the operation of the Taliban government.

Afghans and the international community have long worried that the Taliban will assign their members to government positions based on their personal contributions to the movement’s military operations. With the announcement of the caretaker government, these concerns have been realized. The apparent lack of a performance-based appointment system shows that the Taliban cannot understand the complexity of governance. The system of dividing government positions into the spoils of Taliban members is unlikely to be sustainable or successful.

The only silver lining for the Taliban’s announcement of a new caretaker government is that the political vacuum in Afghanistan seems to have been filled, no matter how imperfect. The paralysis of government agencies directly affects the security situation in Afghanistan and the daily lives of ordinary people in Afghanistan. Now, in order to make the most of the results of the formation of a new government, the Taliban need to reinstate former members of the Afghan police force in Kabul. Their training and understanding of the agreement will enable them to effectively handle demonstrations in the country. The Taliban fighters currently maintaining security in the city have a battle-tested nature, which has led to severe measures in managing demonstrations.

If the Taliban wants the world to stop treating the outside world as an enemy, it must stop treating the outside world as an enemy. If the Taliban persists in its provocative attitude and ignores international expectations, even its closest allies will be forced to distance themselves from it, leaving only Afghanistan on the international stage. As always, the price of this isolation will be paid by ordinary Afghans.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.



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