[ad_1]
A few weeks before former President Bill Clinton delivered his State of the Union address to Congress in 1998, a group of intellectuals, writers, and policy makers wrote an open letter to the president, impassionedly proposing “to put Saddam Hussein and his The reason for the ouster of the regime. Iraqi power.
“We urge you to take decisive action,” read the letter published by an organization called “Project for the New American Century.” “If we accept a process of weakness and drift, we will put our interests and our future at risk.”
This letter is a policy statement, and a kind of Neo-conservatismAlthough Clinton ignored their suggestion, the signers included the names of those who would later dominate the administration of President George W. Bush: Donald Drumsfield, Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz, to name a few.
The next few years-the US invasion of these two countries lasted for decades-changed the course of history.
Although the extent of neoconservative influence on the Bush administration is often debated, their call for the existence of American hawks determines the first few years of the 21st century.
Stephen Wertheim, a senior researcher at the Carnegie Foundation for International Peace and author of “Tomorrow’s World: The Birth of American Global Hegemony,” said: “Facts have proved that neoconservatives have a great role in shaping U.S. foreign policy after the Cold War. The influence of the United States.” “Neoconservatives are one of the more cohesive intellectual and political groups. They provided sharp reasons for the US’ global military dominance and the series of open wars after 9/11.”
Today, as the last American troops leave Afghanistan exhausted after years of war, the legacy of neoconservatives is still widely criticized.
“American conservatives believe that military power will enable the United States to complete a radical ideological agenda, especially in the Middle East,” said Andrew Basevich, author of “After the Apocalypse: America’s Role in World Change.” “It turns out that this effort is a costly failure.”
In the early 2000s, the term neoconservatism—or “neocon” when it is often used mockingly—became part of the common American vocabulary. But these conservative thinkers and practitioners who have seen their foreign policy ambitions put into practice on the world stage are not new.
Neoconservatism was originally used to describe a group of intellectuals and ex-liberals living in New York, and was later defined as supporting an aggressive foreign policy through military power.
In the 1990s and 2000s, neoconservatives such as Irving Christo of The National Interest and Norman Podhorez of The Review often collaborated with William Christo and the foreign policy analyst Robert Card. Root confuses younger thinkers and traveling companions such as Max Bout and Bush speech writer David Froom. And others who have served in the George W. Bush administration.
When the United States invaded Iraq in March 2003, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld (center right) shared laughter with Attorney General John Ashcroft and US military leaders outside the White House. [File: Larry Downing/Reuters]Through Washington’s policy advocacy, think tank papers, and articles in conservative opinion journals, this loosely aligned group includes some of the loudest supporters of the Iraq War and other forms of American foreign adventurism.
“They are the dogs that catch cars,” said Daniel McCarthy, editor of Modern Age, a conservative quarterly magazine critical of neoconservatives. “They have the opportunity to achieve their most desired goals. They must try to build an American empire. This is an empire that promotes their understanding of freedom and democracy.”
Twenty years after the 9/11 attacks, this event can be said to have initiated the realization of the dream of neo-conservatism in foreign policy. What has become of neo-conservatism?
In recent years, many former neoconservatives — or those allied with them — have united against former President Donald Trump. Even if Trump locked the Republican nomination in 2016, and some people crossed party lines to support Biden’s 2020 presidency, these so-called “never Trumpists” still refused to support Trump.
William Kristol, who has been associated with the Republican Party for decades, has launched a new publication “Fortress” as a space for conservatives who oppose Trump. In 2020, Krystal supported Democrat Joe Biden (Joe Biden) running for president, calling him the “simple answer” to defeating Trump. Despite this, Kristol did not abandon his foreign policy instincts. In August, Christo and Biden co-authored an open letter calling on him to strengthen his troops in Afghanistan, stating that “it’s not too late to deploy troops to stabilize the situation and eventually reverse the situation”.
Froome is the author of Bush’s speech. He coined the term “axis of evil” and in 2003 condemned conservatives who questioned the “unpatriotic” efforts of the Iraq war on the page of the Conservative State Review. He found it in the Atlantic Going home, it’s a center-leaving the magazine. Froome has always been an outspoken critic of Trump, and he wrote a book called “Trump Politics: Corruption in the American Republic.”
At the same time, other Bush administration officials such as Doug Faith and Paul WolfowitzWorked in the Ministry of National Defense and found a safe haven in a think tank.
The term “neoconservative” is largely out of fashion, and it is difficult to find people who are willing to use it to describe themselves. As early as 1996, Podhoretz wrote neoconservatism in the past tense. Recently, in 2019, Boot called for abandoning it completely.
“‘Neoconservatism’ used to have a real meaning-as early as the 1970s,” the sermon wrote. “But now this label has become meaningless.”
[ad_2]
Source link